By Ira A. Noveck, Dan Sperber (eds.)
How will we comprehend what we're advised, unravel ambiguities, enjoy metaphor and irony, and seize either specific and implicit content material in verbal verbal exchange? This publication presents the 1st finished creation to a thrilling new box during which types of language and which means are proven and in comparison utilizing concepts from psycholinguistics.
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Additional resources for Experimental Pragmatics
Conceptual pacts lead to several predictions about referring (Brennan and Clark, 1996; Van Der Wege, 2000). In one referential communication task, a first group of participants were given a set of 12 figures that included three shoes, whereas a second group were given a set that included just one of the three shoes. As expected, the shoe common to both sets was called, for example, the dress shoe by the first group, but the shoe by the second group. Speakers were no more informative than they needed to be – conforming to Grice’s Maxim of Quantity.
Referring is a historical process. Even more remarkable was Krauss and Weinheimer’s (1966) finding on feedback. ’ and ‘got it’. Others were paired with a tape-recorder into which they spoke to future partners. When there was feedback, referring expressions became shorter over successive references, as in the martini example; the average length dropped from ten to two words. 7 A model like Olson’s has no explanation for such a phenomenon. Krauss and Weinheimer’s experiments raised two important issues.
The car kept overheating. (6) Keith drove to London. The car kept overheating. To identify the referent of ‘the car’ in ‘The car kept overheating’ requires a bridging inference in (6) (‘What Keith drove was a car’), but not in (5); however, it took no longer to read and understand ‘The car kept overheating’ in (6) than in (5). , Brewer and Treyens, 1981), so the bridging itself added no measurable time to the reading process. Replace car in (5) and (6) with motorcycle, and (6) would have taken more time.