By Jonathan Goodhand, Benedikt Korf, Jonathan Spencer
The interval among 2001 and 2006 observed the increase and fall of an across the world supported attempt to carry a chronic violent clash in Sri Lanka to a calm solution. A ceasefire contract, signed in February 2002, was once by way of six rounds of peace talks, yet growing to be political violence, disagreements over center concerns and a fragmentation of the constituencies of the foremost events ended in an eventual breakdown. within the wake of the failed peace strategy a brand new govt pursued a powerful ‘war for peace’ resulting in the army defeat of the LTTE at the battlefields of the north east in may perhaps 2009. This publication brings jointly a distinct diversity of views in this tricky and finally unsuccessful peace process.
The contributions are established upon huge box study and written by way of top Sri Lankan and foreign researchers and practitioners. The framework of ‘liberal peacebuilding’ offers an analytical start line for exploring the advanced and unpredictable interactions among foreign and family gamers throughout the war-peace-war interval. the teachings drawn from the Sri Lankan case have very important implications within the context of wider debates at the ‘liberal peace’ and put up clash peacebuilding – rather as those debates have mostly been formed via the ‘high profile’ situations corresponding to Kosovo, Afghanistan and Iraq. This ebook is of curiosity not just to Sri Lanka experts but in addition to the broader policy/practitioner viewers, and is an invaluable contribution to South Asian studies.
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Extra info for Conflict and Peacebuilding in Sri Lanka: Caught in the Peace Trap?
Conditions of relative peace and stability would in turn facilitate rapid economic development, supported by the international donor community and private investment. The government should invite the international community to be active at a number of levels – facilitating and monitoring the ceasefire agreement, facilitating and mediating direct negotiations, providing direct economic assistance to immediate rehabilitation and reconstruction work as well as long-term economic growth, and participation of the international capital in economic development.
It was not a carefully strategized or assiduously implemented policy decision, but a half-hearted experiment made by a politically weak government responding to a 28 Jayadeva Uyangoda short-term conjuncture that favoured what came to be understood in rather limited terms as ‘peacebuilding’. The core dynamic of that conjuncture was the marginal ascendancy that the politics of peacemaking had acquired over the politics of war making. But ‘peacebuilding’, as understood by the UNF government and the international actors, was a limited enterprise that could not survive the contradictions and new conflicts which the peace process itself generated.
In theory this should provide ‘the architecture and the necessary building blocks’ in designing a ‘transformational process’ (Rupesinghe 2006a: xxii). But the strategic design upon which the UNF government relied was weak in facing complexities arising out of the political vulnerability of the peace process. This vulnerability was in turn a consequence of weak political commitment on the part of the government as well as the LTTE to a negotiated settlement and the weak political base of the regime in a context of ‘dual power’ under a hostile executive.