By Virginie Girod
Agrippine los angeles Jeune appartient à l. a. lignée des femmes dangereuses, des empoisonneuses, des séductrices, entre Médée et girl Macbeth. Son plus grand crime ? Avoir porté un monstre à los angeles tête de Rome ! motor vehicle Agrippine los angeles Jeune est l. a. mère de Néron, le tyran qu’on accusa de tous les vices, le ultimate persécuteur des chrétiens. Pour déposer los angeles couronne de lauriers sur los angeles tête de son fils et gouverner Rome à ses côtés, Agrippine souilla ses mains du sang d’innocents, s’offrit à des hommes de toutes stipulations pour mieux les manipuler. Hélas, Néron, une fois son pouvoir bien établi, assassina sa démiurge de mère. Mais l’historiographie est trompeuse. Derrière los angeles criminelle sensuelle, derrière los angeles mère indigne, se cache une femme résiliente et intelligente, une femme politique redoutable, déterminée et machiavélique. Le destin d’Agrippine est incroyable. D’illustre naissance, descendante à l. a. fois d’Auguste, de Marc Antoine et de Jules César, elle révolutionna los angeles fonction d’impératrice et prit half au gouvernement de Rome envers et contre tous en dépit de sa de femme. Et si c’était là sa plus grande transgression ?
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Extra resources for Agrippine : Sexe, crimes et pouvoir dans la Rome Impériale
Most but not all of the Revolutionary Shop Stewards were also official union representatives within the DMV representative system. See Dirk H. Müller 1985a, p. 318. opposition to the burgfrieden: 1914–18 31 sections, such as his Berlin lathe workers section, should be granted greater rights to choose representatives for the executive board of the unions’ local administration. This would have made the executive board and the local administration responsible to the sections and therefore, ultimately, to the workplace, so that more of the rank and file would participate effectively in union matters.
Afterwards, the representatives wanted to go a step further and remove Adolf Cohen in order to make Müller the chairman, but Müller declined. He personally endorsed Cohen’s re-election. Adolf Cohen won with only a third of the votes while two thirds of the assembly abstained. 42 It is conceivable that he feared his own imprisonment as well as repression of the entire union if he, and the views with which he was now associated, rose to a leadership position. It is also likely that he still hoped that the Social Democratic and union leadership would change course.
24 National Congress of German Works Councils: Held in Berlin from October 5–7, 1920), Berlin 1920, p. 233 This figure refers to the numbers for 1913. See Müller 1915, p. 45. chapter 3 Opposition to the Burgfrieden: 1914–18 The Great War divided the international labour movement in ways that were neither foreseen nor straightforward. Workers had to choose between preserving the strength of the organisations that they had laboriously built over generations and the slow realisation that this very strength was being abused to legitimise a global massacre.